The Enlightenment vs. Bush's America: Defining liberal values
     by Carla Binion
 
Media commentators have been asking what role moral values and religion played in the presidential election's outcome.
Democrats have been seeking to clearly define liberalism, explain the Democratic Party's moral values and determine
the role religion should play in the party's public life.
 
A good start would be to remember American liberalism's roots and religious foundation.  This country's founders
developed their ideas during the Enlightenment, the historic period around 1650 to 1770, when science and reason
began to supplant the barbarism, religious dogmatism and absolutism of the Middle Ages.
 
Thomas Jefferson expressed a personal religious faith, but he had many conflicts with a religiously intolerant clergy
wanting to impose their specific dogma on the whole society.  Jefferson and many other Enlightenment thinkers placed
a high value on reason and opposed any form of religion or philosophical belief that oppressed rational thought.
 
In a letter to Dr. Benjamin Rush, September 23, 1800, Jefferson declared, "They [the clergy] believe that any portion
of power confided to me, will be exerted in opposition to their schemes.  And they believe rightly: for I have sworn upon
the altar of God eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man."
 
In "Notes on the State of Virginia" (1781-1785), Jefferson wrote, "Reason and free inquiry are the only effectual agents
against error.  Give a loose to them, they will support the true religion by bringing every false one to their tribunal, to the
test of their investigation.  They are the natural enemies of error, and of error only.  Had not the Roman government
permitted free inquiry, Christianity could never have been introduced.  Had not free inquiry been indulged at the era
of Reformation, the corruptions of Christianity could not have been purged away."
 
In "A Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom," known as "The Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom (1779),"
Jefferson also denounced "the impious presumption of legislators and rulers, civil as well as ecclesiastical, who being
themselves but fallible and uninspired men, have assumed dominion over the faith of others."  He added, "Our civil rights
have no dependence on our religious opinions, any more than our opinions in physics and geometry."
 
However, while resisting irrational or constraining dogma, Jefferson also expressed admiration for the moral teachings
of Jesus, saying, "Of all the systems of morality, ancient or modern, which have come under my observation, none appears
to me so pure as that of Jesus." (Letter to W. Canby, September 18, 1813.)
 
When Patrick Henry proposed a bill affirming Christianity as the "established religion of this Commonwealth," James Madison
kept the bill from becoming law.  In his "Memorial and Remonstrance" (1785), Madison noted that the mix of government and
religion gave rise to "pride and indolence in the Clergy; ignorance and servility in the laity; in both, superstition, bigotry, and persecution."
 
Today we're returning to religious dogmatism, absolutism and anti-scientific thought among some members of the religious right,
including certain George W. Bush supporters such as Jerry Falwell.  Though America was founded on the basis of rational
thought and tolerance for religious diversity, we now find we're revisiting pre-Enlightenment era thinking.

Robert Kuttner is co-editor of The American Prospect. In his article, "An attack on American tolerance"
Kuttner says, "What is uniquely alarming in the United States today, among all the democracies and in our own history,
is that a president of the United States is explicitly on the side of antimodernism. Never before has an American chief
executive worked deliberately to foment a fundamentalist absolutism that is ultimately tribal, theocratic, antiscientific,
and incompatible with pluralist democracy."
 
Bush has resisted scientific study involving stem cell research, professed belief that his decision to make war with Iraq is
a divinely sanctioned crusade and embraced religious leaders who encourage intolerance, dogmatism and absolutism.
Many Bush supporters on the religious right seem to think morals and values are almost entirely about sexual behavior
and interpret the Bible in a way that justifies their prejudices against homosexuality.
 
In his article, "Embattled faith needs enemies for focus" reporter Gene Lyons says, "Apart from the timeless topic
of Other People's Sex Lives, nothing gets fundamentalist Christianity's spiritual entrepreneurs going like vengeful Old Testament
tribalism.  The basic con is to insist upon the literal, historical and scientific accuracy of every syllable in the Bible while focusing
selectively on passages confirming pre-existing phobias.  Hence, they rarely are more dogmatic than when they are ignoring,
if not actively contradicting, the essence of Christ's teachings."
 
Lyons continues, "Yes, Leviticus calls homosexuality an abomination.  Also wearing garments of two fabrics, eating pork
and shellfish, and planting two crops in one field.  It recommends stoning to death anybody who works on the Sabbath.
Exodus stipulates how to sell your daughters into slavery."
 
While the religious right's morals and values center on sexual behavior, liberal morals and values historically center on
actively loving other people, working to uplift the poor, reducing human suffering by (for example) opposing unjust wars,
striving for equality and fair treatment for diverse ethnic groups and others, enhancing civil liberties, using good reasoning
skills and staying informed and involved as citizens.
 
Liberalism is represented in Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal, Lyndon Johnson's Great Society and the successful social
movements of the 1960's including the civil rights and women's movements.  American liberalism is also defined by the millions
of ordinary people who have worked as activists throughout history, including those involved in various antiwar movements,
the labor movement and abolitionism.
 
Liberalism is reflected in our country's literature - in Mark Twain's "The War Prayer;" Henry David Thoreau's
"Civil Disobedience;" W. E. B. DuBois' "The Gift of Black Folk;" and many other works.  (Conservatives in some parts
of the country have banned some of these writers' books from public schools.)
 
In "Song of Myself," the poet Walt Whitman wrote about the pluralism and tolerance for diversity first advocated by the
nation's founders.  The "I" of the poem doesn't solely represent the poet himself but symbolizes all Americans:

-------
"I am of old and young, of the foolish as much as the wise,
Regardless of others, ever regardful of others,
Maternal as well as paternal, a child as well as a man…
I believe in the flesh and the appetites,
Seeing, hearing, feeling, are miracles, and each part and tag of me
is a miracle.
Divine am I inside and out, and I make holy whatever I touch or
am touched from…
Do I contradict myself?
Very well then I contradict myself,
(I am large, I contain multitudes.)"
-------
 
Making room for "multitudes," embracing ambiguity and contradiction are characteristic of liberalism.  Jefferson and other
Enlightenment thinkers also tolerated diverse "multitudes" and allowed for ambiguity, and this kind of thinking has been an
integral part of our nation's character and of liberal thought since our beginnings.  However, Bush and many of his supporters
seem intolerant of this way of thinking, instead insisting on a rigid either-or view of the world.  For example, Bush stated,
"When it comes to the war on terrorism, you're either with us or you're with the terrorists."
 
We need Democrats who will strongly oppose Bush's most egregious policies.  Though strategists from the Democratic
National Committee or the Democratic Leadership Council might suggest the Democratic party needs a better gimmick
of one kind or another to win voters, what the public most wants to see in the Democratic leadership is a genuine dynamic
passion for serving the public's interests.
 
For the Democratic Party to define itself and clarify its own morals and values, it needs to review liberalism's history and
integrate that historic identity into its current collective personality.  The party also needs to find a way to create a larger
place for itself in the media and use radio and TV talk shows and other outlets as a way to inform the American people
that liberalism is a positive alternative to radical right politics.
 
In "Notes on the State of Virginia," Thomas Jefferson wrote about the relationship between political leaders and a
self-governing public.  He said, "Every government degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone.  The people
themselves are its only safe depositories."  If the Democratic Party reclaims its roots and becomes the party of the people,
it has a chance to come alive and save itself and maybe even revitalize democracy in the process.


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