A generation hence, and possibly as soon as January
2005, the threat to
America's families posed by the dread specter
of gay marriage will seem
as quaint and chimerical as hysteria about "race-mixing"
or flouridated water.
(Or, for that matter, fear of backwoods Southerners
inspired in suburban
moviegoers by films like "Deliverance.") All
but congenital bigots will realize
that everybody needs love, that desire is felt
like gravity, that people no more
choose to be gay than they choose left-handedness,
and that homosexuality's
not catching. With understanding comes tolerance
and compassion.
Unfortunately for Democrats, however, the next
presidential election will be
contested in 2004. And despite brave words to
the contrary from commentators
on the left, the issue puts the Democratic nominee
in considerable peril.
Writing in The American Prospect, for example,
Matthew Yglesias notes a
recent USA Today/ Gallup Poll showing that "just
48 percent of the public
believes gay marriages 'will change our society
for the worse,'and 50 percent
feels the change would either be an improvement
or have no effect."
Yglesias hopefully concludes that the "crucial
middle ground...is held not by
gay bashers but by people who basically don't
care." Since elections are
customarily won or lost in the middle, he thinks
"the political dynamics of
gay rights may pose more problems for Republicans
than for Democrats."
He reasons that the issue will spotlight the
Jerry Falwells, Pat Robertsons
and other panhandling Jeremiahs, thus reminding
swing voters of everything
they don't like about the GOP.
With due respect, Yglesias is dreaming. First,
in today's America, fear is an
easier sell than understanding; the committed
trump the indifferent in electoral
contests almost every time. Secondly, as with
race, people rarely confess
bigotry to strangers over the phone. Their real
feelings emerge in the privacy
of the voting booth. Most important, as Democrats
ought to have learned for
good in 2000, national polls mean little in the
individual states where presidential
elections are contested.
And state by state, the gay marriage issue is
potentially devastating to any
Democrat, particularly in the South and everywhere
else west of the Hudson
and east of Reno where rural and small town values
predominate. Vermont and
Massachusetts court decisions mandating an end
to discrimination against gay
couples would help oppportunistic Republicans
frame the election as elitist
judges and effete New Englanders versus good
country people. The symbolism
could prove deadly.
Absent gay marriage, the right Democrat could
certainly carry Arkansas.
Florida and West Virginia are also winnable.
Based upon recent election
results, Virginia and Louisiana may be within
reach, and possibly Georgia.
Democratic victories in two Southern states would
make it almost impossible
for George W. Bush to win the 270 electoral votes
needed to remain in office.
Losing them all, however, would likely finish
the Democratic hopeful.
Assertions to the contrary by some party tacticians
assume that a candidate
culturally unacceptable to Southern voters could
somehow carry states like
Missouri and Ohio--unlikely at best. Former
Georgia Sen. Max Cleland,
the Vietnam war hero smeared as unpatriotic during
his losing re-election
campaign, sees what's coming. 2004, he told Salon,
will be "about gay
marriage." "It'll be slime and defend, as it
always is," he said. "And it will be
the ugliest political campaign, aboveboard and
below board, in the history
of the country."
Conservative culture warriors are tooling up.
The right-wing press is filled
with crackpot fantasies: mobsters marrying each
other to avoid testifying,
fathers marrying sons to avoid estate taxes,
etc. Catholic bishops and
cardinals have portrayed the Massachusetts decision
as morally abhorrent,
hard to take given the church's sickening cover-up
of pedophile priests.
Evangelical cleric Rev. Louis Sheldon, of the
Traditional Values Coalition,
speaks of becoming "a resisting force...against
those who would like to call
evil good"--language normally reserved for terrorists.
Not for nothing did President Bush's reaction
to the Massachusetts ruling
stress that "marriage is a SACRED institution
between a man and a woman."
[my emphasis] In reality, no Democratic presidential
candidate favors gay
marriage as such; all back "civil unions" conveying
state, not religious, approval.
Indeed, Americans aren't supposed to look to
politicians to define the sacred.
Unfortunately, to millions of Southern evangelicals,
marriage vs. civil unions
seems a distinction without a difference. They
see Bush's theological effrontery
as common sense. If the GOP gets its way, across
the entire region, the 2004
contest will resemble Bush's vicious 2000 South
Carolina primary vs. John
McCain, with the president striking statesmanlike
poses while his surrogates
do the dirty work: push-polling and whisper campaigns
that'll all but turn the
Democratic ticket--assuming both candidates are
men--into husband and wife.
There may be ways for Democrats to counter what's
coming, but pretending
the threat isn't real won't work. Neither will
simply sitting back and waiting
for Republicans to overplay their hand.
back to bartcop.com