How to Combat Liberalism
by Mao Tse-tung
From the Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung
Foreign Languages Press Peking 1967
First Edition 1965
Second Printing 1967
Vol. II, pp. 31-33.
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COMBAT LIBERALISM
September 7, 1937
We stand for active ideological struggle because it is the weapon for ensuring unity within the Party and the revolutionary organizations in the interest of our fight. Every Communist and revolutionary should take up this weapon.
But liberalism rejects ideological struggle and stands
for unprincipled peace, thus giving rise to a decadent, philistine attitude
and bringing about political degeneration in certain units and individuals
in the Party and the revolutionary organizations.
Liberalism manifests itself in various ways.
To let things slide for the sake of peace and friendship
when a person has clearly gone wrong, and refrain from principled argument
because he is an old acquaintance, a fellow townsman, a schoolmate, a close
friend, a loved one, an old colleague
or old subordinate. Or to touch on the matter lightly instead of going
into it thoroughly, so as to keep on good terms.
The result is that both the organization and the individual are harmed.
This is one type of liberalism.
To indulge in irresponsible criticism in private
instead of actively putting forward one's suggestions to the organization.
To say nothing to people to their faces but to gossip behind their
backs, or to say nothing at a meeting but to gossip afterwards.
To show no regard at all for the principles of collective life but
to follow one's own inclination. This is a second type.
To let things drift if they do not affect one personally;
to say as little as possible while knowing perfectly well what is wrong,
to be worldly wise and play safe and seek only to avoid blame. This
is a third type.
Not to obey orders but to give pride of place to
one's own opinions. To demand special consideration from the organization
but to reject its discipline. This is a fourth type. page 32
To indulge in personal attacks, pick quarrels, vent personal spite or seek revenge instead of entering into an argument and struggling against incorrect views for the sake of unity or progress or getting the work done properly. This is a fifth type.
To hear incorrect views without rebutting them and
even to hear counter-revolutionary remarks without reporting them,
but instead to take them calmly as if nothing had happened. This is
a sixth type.
To be among the masses and fail to conduct propaganda and agitation or speak at meetings or conduct investigations and inquiries among them, and instead to be indifferent to them and show no concern for their well-being, forgetting that one is a Communist and behaving as if one were an ordinary non-Communist. This is a seventh type.
To see someone harming the interests of the masses
and yet not feel indignant, or dissuade or stop him or reason with him,
but to allow him to continue. This is an eighth type.
To work half-heartedly without a definite plan or
direction; to work perfunctorily and muddle along
-- "So long as one remains a monk, one goes on tolling the bell." This
is a ninth type.
To regard oneself as having rendered great service to the revolution to pride oneself on being a veteran, to disdain minor assignments while being quite unequal to major tasks, to be slipshod in work and slack in study. This is a tenth type.
To be aware of one's own mistakes and yet make no
attempt to correct them, taking a liberal attitude towards oneself.
This is an eleventh type.
We could name more. But these eleven are the principal types.
They are all manifestations of liberalism.
Liberalism is extremely harmful in a revolutionary
collective.
It is a corrosive which eats away unity, undermines cohesion, causes
apathy and creates dissension.
It robs the revolutionary ranks of compact organization and strict
discipline, prevents policies from
being carried through and alienates the Party organizations from
the masses which the Party leads.
It is an extremely bad tendency.
Liberalism stems from petty-bourgeois selfishness, it places personal interests first and the interests of the revolution second, and this gives rise to ideological, political and organizational liberalism.
People who are liberals look upon the principles
of Marxism as abstract dogma. They approve of Marxism, but are
not prepared to practise it or to practise it in full; they are not
prepared to replace page 33 their liberalism by Marxism.
These people have their Marxism, but they have their liberalism as
well -- they talk Marxism but practise liberalism;
they apply Marxism to others but liberalism to themselves. They keep
both kinds of goods in stock and find a use for each.
This is how the minds of certain people work.
Liberalism is a manifestation of opportunism and
conflicts fundamentally with Marxism. It is negative and objectively has
the effect of helping the enemy; that is why the enemy welcomes its
preservation in our midst. Such being its nature,
there should be no place for it in the ranks of the revolution.
We must use Marxism, which is positive in spirit, to overcome liberalism, which is negative. A Communist should have largeness of mind and he should be staunch and active, looking upon the interests of the revolution as his very life and subordinating his personal interests to those of the revolution; always and everywhere he should adhere to principle and wage a tireless struggle against all incorrect ideas and actions, so as to consolidate the collective life of the Party and strengthen the ties between the Party and the masses; he should be more concerned about the Party and the masses than about any private person, and more concerned about others than about himself. Only thus can he be considered a Communist.
All loyal, honest, active and upright Communists
must unite to oppose the liberal tendencies shown by certain people among
us, and set them on the right path. This is one of the tasks on our ideological
front.