Karl Rove is "the center of all power in the White House."
But Dick Cheney is the White House's "supreme power broker."
Cheney is the "most influential member of the Bush team." But Rove is
the "most influential presidential aide in two decades.
According to Time, Rove is "the Busiest Man in Washington." According
to Time, Cheney is the administration's "John Henry."
Cheney is "uniquely powerful." On the other hand, "no one, with the possible exception of the President, will be more responsible for the success or failure of Bush's presidency" than Rove.
Says Newsweek of Rove: "[He] has a hand in virtually every decision
the president makes." Says Time of Cheney:
"There is almost no major issue that doesn't feel his touch." (This
is certainly a hands-on administration.)
It's enough to drive a poor influence-peddler crazy. If you need a
wheel greased, who should you call?
"The Indispensable Man" (Cheney)? Or "the man to see in Washington"
(Rove)? If you're measuring influence,
which is better: Cheney spending "half the working day" with W., or
Rove talking "constantly" on the phone to Bush?
Is Rove the shadow president? Or is Cheney?
This week has brought more conflicting evidence. Rove has almost single-handedly
blocked the administration
from permitting stem-cell research. Most Americans, Health and Human
Services Secretary Tommy Thompson,
and lots of top Republican politicians say it's a scientific and ethical
good. Rove says it could alienate Catholic voters.
Cheney, meanwhile, rushed back to the office a day after heart surgery,
a frantic return that confirmed the Democratic
suspicion that the White House—and President Bush—would collapse without
him.
Naturally, administration folks—especially Cheney and Rove—insist President
Bush is President Bush. He is the
chairman, the CEO. He says jump, they say how high, etc. But Bush is
a hands-off president—that's why Rove
and Cheney have their hands in everything—and it's clear his underlings
are remarkably powerful.
Who you believe is shadow president depends on your worldview. If you
think the presidency is essentially politics,
Rove is your man. If you believe the presidency is process, Cheney
is.
Rove, officially Bush's senior adviser, is grandmaster of all things
strategic and political. (This was a job Bill Clinton
kept for himself.) His basic duty is to do whatever it takes to re-elect
Bush in 2004. On Vieques, Puerto Rico, it was
Rove who decided—without significantly consulting the president or
defense secretary—that the administration would
stop bombing runs in a couple of years. Rove calculated that the halt
would please Hispanics. White House polling is
funneled through Rove, and he uses the data to modify administration
strategy. When Bush was pummeled for being
anti-green and pro-energy, Rove decided the administration would emphasize
environmental initiatives and back-burner
drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Rove is the pooh-bah
of national party politics: He helped install Virginia
Gov. Jim Gilmore as chairman of the RNC. When a bitter primary fight
threatened GOP chances in a Minnesota Senate
race recently, Rove was instrumental in persuading one of the candidates
to withdraw.
Rove also handles the administration's relations with interest groups,
particularly the religious right. Republicans learned
in Bush I that they dare not alienate the conservative base. So Rove
has almost total freedom to do whatever he wants to satisfy them. Thanks
to Rove, the White House may get involved in the Sudanese civil war—exactly
the kind of complex, intractable, irrelevant-to-American-interests conflict
that candidate Bush said the United States should avoid. But Christian
conservatives are enraged by Muslim abuse (and sometimes enslavement) of
Christian rebels and have recruited Rove to
help them. Similarly, Rove has blocked stem-cell research in service
to religious conservatives. And Rove has guided some
of the marketing of Bush's faith-based bill, even establishing an outside
lobbying group to help give the proposal juice.
Vice President Cheney also has a job that Clinton reserved for himself.
Cheney is president of everything beige, the dull
but essential questions of process and policy. Cheney dominated the
transition and got his favorites installed in key
positions in the administration—including Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill
and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
As "prime minister," Cheney runs much of the day-to-day business of
the administration. Cheney, for example, directed
the budget-review process, settling disagreements between Cabinet secretaries
without taking them to the president.
Cheney serves as the White House delegate to Congress, acting as lobbyist-in-chief
on issues such as the tax cut.
His portfolio also includes authority over the administration's most
complicated issues. Cheney—the ambassador to
corporate America as well as Congress—conducted the pro-business energy-policy
review. By virtue of his experience
as defense secretary, he has been granted an enormous say in national
security policy. Cheney refocused the
administration on missile defense and is commanding an anti-terrorism
task force.
Rove and Cheney, in short, have worked out an effective division of
labor. Cheney, a vice president who has no
particular political ambitions, is the adult on unglamorous issues
of policy and process. Rove, who has nothing but
political ambitions, is responsible for interest-group massaging, symbolic
politicking, and doling out favors (which is
probably why Rove is meeting with executives from Intel—read Timothy
Noah's attack on Rove's Intel ethics in this "Chatterbox"). The arrangement
works perfectly for Bush. Rove manages the messy special-interest jockeying
that
can embarrass a president, while Cheney takes care of the knotty substantive
issues that Bush doesn't have patience for.
It is a balanced co-presidency, one shadow president for doing, and
one for scheming.