......................
Sept. 22, 2000 | The end of the affair held few surprises for
anyone who has been paying attention to the Whitewater
nonscandal over the past several years. Independent counsel
Robert Ray's five-page statement announced essentially the
same conclusions that were foretold by his predecessor,
Kenneth Starr, in testimony before the House Judiciary
Committee during the impeachment hearings of 1998: more
than six years and $50 million expended to compile "insufficient
evidence ... to prove to a jury beyond a reasonable doubt" that
the Clintons or any of their aides had committed a single
prosecutable offense related to an old Arkansas land development.
More than precious time and money was forfeited in this
enormous fiasco. A promising presidency was damaged and
distracted from the outset. Lives and reputations were ruined,
in both Arkansas and Washington, by partisan prosecutorial
abuses. Democracy was disserved by a media culture that
eagerly made "scandal" the overriding theme of politics and
journalism. And to date there is not the slightest sign of
accountability or remorse at the national news organizations
that stirred up all this pointless turmoil.
The wording of Ray's brief announcement
was as significant for what was omitted as
for what he chose to include. Possibly
chastened by harsh and widespread criticism
of his decision to issue this statement only
weeks before the New York Senate
election, and of his tendentious statements
earlier this year about the White House
Travel Office case (in which he hinted at
misdeeds by Hillary Rodham Clinton), the
independent counsel wisely avoided any
blatant insinuations of guilt concerning the
president and the first lady. But in the process of rehashing
each and every accusation against them and their aides, Ray
also declined to mention any of the voluminous evidence that
exculpated them of wrongdoing.
It may be too optimistic to expect that Ray will examine both
sides of the Whitewater evidence when he files his final report
someday. (He has put off that task until various ancillary
matters are concluded, which makes his decision to release
yesterday's statement all the more curious.) But in the meantime
his repeated mantra of "insufficient evidence" left Clinton
antagonists with ample excuses for the scandal that failed. Just
as predictable as the investigation's desultory ending was the
immediate outcry from certain quarters against interpreting that
result as the exoneration of its targets. The presumption of
innocence usually afforded to anyone not convicted of a crime
-- let alone those who are never even indicted -- apparently
doesn't extend to the occupants of the Clinton White House.
Editorials in the New York Times and the Washington Post,
both of which pursued and promoted Whitewater in
commentary and news coverage as if convinced that it was
another Watergate, greeted Ray's announcement in precisely
that grudging spirit. "The Clintons themselves are largely
responsible for the late delivery of Mr. Ray's statement," the
Times complained, going on to argue that "they and their
political confederates in the White House and the executive
branch went to puzzling lengths to hobble legitimate
investigations. Instead of laying out the facts of the matter, the
Clinton apparatus instead stonewalled the investigators and
defamed the Clintons' critics. All this gave rise to suspicions
that the Clintons had something to hide, and prolonged the
investigation."
In similar tones, the Post pronounced that "there is plenty of
blame to go around for the way Whitewater came to hang over
Mr. Clinton's terms in office," and then laid most of it on the
White House. (The same editorial also chided unnamed
"congressional and other critics" who were "quick to presume
all of the worst allegations true," without so much as a hint of
the paper's own culpability in that rush to judgment.) And
although the Post declares that Ray's statement marks a
"welcome end to this part of the saga," its editorial also warns
that "to evaluate the Clintons' behavior we will have to wait for
Mr. Ray's final report."
Whatever institutional arrogance may be detected in those
butt-covering pronouncements seems almost mild in
comparison with the wacky reaction of the ideological partisans
at the Wall Street Journal. The Journal, which at last count had
issued four fat volumes of dubious Whitewater material
reprinted from its editorial pages, instantly brayed that Ray's
statement proved nothing in a lead essay titled "The Coverup
Worked." The excuses offered in this text ranged from the silly
to the outlandish -- such as a suggestion that Ray decided not
to prosecute the president for perjury because any jury in the
District of Columbia would include too many sympathetic
African-Americans and government employees.
The ill effects of scandal fever, it seems, can linger long after
the scandal in question is dead. A healthier journalistic
response to the conclusions laid out by Ray would be to
reassess earlier coverage and commentary in light of these new,
inescapable realities. However clumsily the Clinton White
House handled Whitewater in its early stages, and however
insistent the Clintons were in defending themselves against a
partisan prosecution, the final resolution of this nonscandal has
never been in serious doubt. Only the reluctance of nationally
influential news organizations to acknowledge that obvious fact
prolonged a probe that ought to have been wrapped up years ago.
As early as the winter of 1996, when the law firm Pillsbury
Madison & Sutro submitted its wholly exculpatory findings to
the Resolution Trust Corp., the most important issues in this
case were settled. Far from profiting in any illicit fashion from
the Whitewater land investment or its relationship with Madison
Guaranty Savings & Loan, the Clintons were swindled out of
their stake by their partner, the late James McDougal.
The Pillsbury Report also demonstrated in
painstaking detail (with 12 volumes of
documentation) that Hillary Clinton never
misused her husband's authority to protect
McDougal from federal or state banking
authorities, that she never made more than a
pittance from representing Madison and that
she testified truthfully about those matters.
The Pillsbury investigators reiterated those
findings after examining the lost-and-found
billing records of the Rose Law Firm, which
confirmed her truthfulness and confounded
any notion that she had willfully hidden them.
Moreover, the accusation that the White House had attempted
to derail or discourage investigations of Whitewater by the first
independent counsel, Robert Fiske, and later by the RTC, was
shown to be without foundation -- first by Fiske himself and
later by the Pillsbury Report. And all the wild accusations of
David Hale, the crooked Little Rock judge who claimed then
Gov. Clinton had "pressured" him to make an illegal loan, and
of L. Jean Lewis, who said that the president had orchestrated
a coverup of Whitewater, proved entirely false.
The media organizations that trumpeted those charges so
credulously bear a heavy share of the responsibility for this
costly charade. (It's worth remembering that Whitewater came
to public attention the same way wrongly imprisoned nuclear
scientist Wen Ho Lee did -- thanks to the New York Times.)
As they did with Ray's statement, they continued to ignore the
evidence that contradicted their own prejudiced investment in a
story that went nowhere. And as of today, they show few signs
of acknowledging their role in one of the most disgraceful
episodes in modern American journalism.
Even if many in the national media continue to obsess about
Whitewater, the public rendered its own verdict long ago.
Millions of voters were at first bamboozled by partisan
hysteria, particularly during the congressional elections of 1994,
when doubts about Whitewater contributed to the historic
Republican victory. But by 1996, when Clinton was easily
reelected despite the prolonged Senate and House Whitewater
hearings, the American people had apparently learned to
disregard the scandal rhetoric recited by politicians and
pundits. In 1998, two of the loudest Clinton critics in the
Senate, Alfonse D'Amato of New York and Lauch Faircloth of
North Carolina, were unceremoniously dumped by voters in
their home states.
And on the same day that the New York Times headlined
Ray's announcement, another story appeared on the paper's
front page that suggests that New York's electorate no longer
puts much credence in scandal allegations about the Clintons.
A new poll taken by the Times and CBS News showed Hillary
Clinton pulling ahead of her Republican opponent, Rep. Rick
Lazio, with a decisive lead.