ABC and the rise of Rush Limbaugh
The following brief history of ABC offers a perfect snapshot of everything
that has gone wrong
with the media. This remarkable story includes ABC's takeover by a
conservative parent corporation,
the demise of the Fairness Doctrine, the rightward shift of the evening
news, the rise of conservative
talk radio, and the cozy relationship between a state and a press that
are supposed to be separate.
In 1985, ABC was taken over by Capital Cities, a conservative, Roman
Catholic media organization
with extensive ties to the CIA.
(If you think we're making this up, you should know that the Capital
Cities takeover of ABC is one
of the most analyzed in history, and the subject of many books by Wall
Street experts and scholars.
Especially recommended is Networks of Power, by Emmy Award-winner Dennis
Mazzocco.) (1)
Capital Cities was born in 1954, and rapidly prospered. Many of its
founders had previously worked
in the U.S. intelligence community and had a great amount of wealth,
social contacts and influence in
government. Yet they opted to keep the company's actions out of the
public eye -- they did not flaunt
their wealth with private planes and lavish offices the way so many
successful companies do. Just exactly
how well-connected Capital Cities was to the CIA is unknown, but it
is clear that the CIA concerned
itself with the company at various times. The fact that the CIA has
often used private businessmen,
journalists and even entire companies as fronts for covert operations
is not only well-known by
historians, but legendary. (Recall Howard Hughes and Trans-World Airlines...)
One of Capital City's early founders was William Casey, who would later
become Ronald Reagan's
Director of the CIA. At the time of Casey's nomination, the press expressed
surprise that Reagan
would hire a businessman whose last-known intelligence experience was
limited to OSS operations
in World War II. The fact is, however, that Casey had never left intelligence.
Throughout the Cold War
he kept a foot in both worlds, in private business as well as the CIA.
A history of Casey's business
dealings reveals that he was an aggressive player who saw nothing wrong
with bending the law to
further his own conservative agenda. When he became implicated as a
central figure in the Iran-Contra
scandal, many Washington insiders considered it a predictable continuation
of a very shady career.
Another Capital Cities founder, Lowell Thomas, was a close friend and
business contact with Allen Dulles,
Eisenhower's CIA Director, and John Dulles, the Secretary of State.
Thomas always denied being a spy,
but he was frequently seen at events involving intelligence operations.
Another founder was Thomas Dewey,
whom the CIA had given millions to create other front companies for
covert operations.
Capital Cities prospered from the start; its specialty was to buy media
organizations that were in trouble.
Upon acquisition, it would improve management and eliminate waste until
the company started turning
a profit. This no-nonsense, no-frills approach, as well as its refusal
to become side-tracked with other
ventures, made it one of the most successful media conglomerates of
the 60s and 70s. Of course,
the journalistic slant of its companies was decidedly conservative
and anticommunist. To anyone who
believes that the government should not control the press, the possibility
that the CIA created a media
company to dispense conservative and Cold War propaganda should be
alarming. Rush Limbaugh
himself calls freedom of the press "the sweetest -- and most American
-- words you will ever find."
(2) Apparently, he is unaware of the history of his own employers.
By the 1980s, Capital Cities had grown powerful enough that it was now
poised to hunt truly big game:
a major television network. A vulnerable target appeared in the form
of ABC, whose poor management
in the early 80s was driving both its profits and stocks into oblivion.
Back then, ABC's journalistic slant
was indeed liberal; its criticism of the Reagan Administration had
drawn the wrath of conservatives
everywhere, from Wall Street to Washington. This was in marked contrast
to the rest of the White House
press corps, which was, in Bagdikian's words, "stunningly uncritical"
of Reagan. Behind the scenes,
Reagan was deregulating the FCC and eliminating anti-monopoly laws
for the media, a fact the media
appreciated and rewarded. The only exception was ABC. Sam Donaldson's
penetrating questions
during press conferences were so embarrassing to Reagan that his handlers
scheduled the fewest
Presidential press conferences in modern history.
Another controversy involving the liberal slant of ABC was its airing
of the anti-nuclear war movie
The Day After. This movie angered conservatives like Henry Kissinger,
who believe that the
willingness to use nuclear weapons is actually a deterrence to war.
But Kissinger got a chance to
respond to the movie on national television. Nightline followed the
movie with a group discussion
that included Kissinger and other conservative pundits. The reason
why ABC was so even-handed,
presenting both a liberal and conservative viewpoint on nuclear war,
was because they were required
to by law: the Fairness Doctrine.
The Fairness Doctrine was repealed in 1987 by the FCC. Reagan had staffed
the FCC with prominent
media businessmen who were intent on slashing government regulations…
the equivalent of letting the
fox guard the chicken coop. Among the many other regulations slashed
during the Reagan years were
anti-trust laws that prevented the media from becoming a monopoly.
Much of this was done under
heavy pressure by corporate lobbyists.
In this atmosphere of deregulation, Capital Cities found the perfect
time to take over ABC.
Not only were all the legal restrictions removed, but by now Casey
was head of the CIA, and
whatever contacts existed between the CIA and Casey's company (in which
Casey held
substantial stock) were immeasurably strengthened. Capital Cities soon
began buying out
ABC stock. The facts of the acquisition remain curious and unconventional.
Capital Cities
was only one-fourth the size of ABC, and there were much wealthier
corporate giants who
were salivating over a plum like a television network. But word got
out on Wall Street that
the Capital Cities takeover bid was "protected" by Warren Buffet, a
legendary trader often
described as the "Darling of Wall Street." (Until 1995, Buffet was
the richest man in America.)
With Buffet's help, Capital Cities took over ABC. According to one
source, a high-ranking
CIA official teased Casey, saying, "I understand Sam Donaldson is working
for you now."
Sam Donaldson would not be tormenting Republican presidents for long.
By the Bush Presidency,
Donaldson was removed from covering the White House and paired with
Diane Sawyer in a
weekly news magazine that covered political fluff. Brit Hume, a staunch
conservative, would take
his place, and the same torment that ABC once reserved for Ronald Reagan
would now be
directed towards Bill Clinton.
The new conservatism at ABC was subtle but apparent. Peter Jennings,
noting that the program's
"American Agenda" had a liberal slant, stated that the news would pay
more attention to conservatives,
since their ideas are "more provocative and less predictable on some
issues."
During the 1991 Persian Gulf War, Washington Post TV critic Tom Shales
noted that of all the networks,
ABC was the "friendliest to and least critical of the Bush Administration
and its policies." After the war,
ABC marketed a video of General Schwartzkopf's famous briefing of the
war, entitled "Schwartzkopf:
How the War was Won." It sold 80,000 copies. Later, it would market
a video on life and times of Richard Nixon.
It would be wrong, of course, to conclude that ABC had gone Attila the
Hun. ABC News remained
a source of somewhat balanced coverage; both Sam Donaldson and George
Will continued to do
battle every Sunday on This Week With David Brinkley. Indeed, some
of the most scientific pieces
warning about the destruction of the ozone layer came from ABC. The
owners at Capital Cities/ABC
couldn't make the Evening News blatantly conservative because such
a change would be too controversial.
But this did not defeat their effort. They could still create a conservative
forum from scratch, and in this
regard, the dying market of AM radio offered the opportunity of a lifetime.
There are about 11,000 radio stations in the U.S., and Capital Cities/ABC
is by far the largest player.
Either through outright ownership or the sale of numerous services,
they reach about half the radio
stations in America, and this number is growing. With the Fairness
Doctrine repealed, Capital Cities
was able in 1988 to begin broadcasting one-sided editorials on conservatism.
ABC Radio Network
President Edward McLaughlin scoured the nation's radio stations for
conservative talent, and his
search led him to Sacramento, to a little known disc-jockey named Rush
Limbaugh. Rush had
attracted an audience with his vigorous and spirited defense of Oliver
North during the Iran-Contra
hearings. McLaughlin brought him to New York City for a one-month "on-air"
trial at Capital Cities/ABC's
flagship radio station, WABC. For the next two years, ABC put him on
the fast track, handling all
his marketing, advertising and promotion. For legal purposes, and to
protect ABC's image of
supposed objectivity, Rush formed his own media company, Excellence
in Broadcasting.
But to this day Rush continues to broadcast out of WABC's studios in
New York.
ABC initially promoted Rush by arranging his appearance on other debating
shows, from
Nightline to Donahue to MacNeil/Lehrer. (Unfortunately, he did so poorly
against real live
experts that this practice was eventually stopped.) Perhaps the most
eye-brow raising example
of Rush's promotion was when he appeared on an episode of ABC's 20/20
for an interview
with Barbara Walters. Given Rush's criticism of feminists as "feminazis,"
this interview was
built up as a confrontation between a female reporter in the mainstream
media and Rush's
supposedly misogynist views. The fact that Barbara Walters herself
is conservative was
nowhere mentioned. During the interview, Rush came across as charming,
humorous,
reasonable and moderate, and Walters closed the segment by stating
that she actually liked him.
Ted Koppel's incessant praise of Rush Limbaugh is also an attempt to
bring him into the mainstream.
The back cover of See, I Told You So blurbs: "As no less a liberal
than Ted Koppel... said,
'You ignore him at your peril.'" On television, Koppel has laughed
with admiration over Limbaugh,
calling him "terribly articulate." But the anchor of Nightline is far
from liberal; indeed, Rush Limbaugh
had to publicly apologize to Koppel for calling him one. And researchers
have criticized Nightline
for featuring a highly disproportionate number of experts who are white
male conservatives.
Rush Limbaugh explains his success as the result of his individualism,
of his refusal to do it someone's
else's way. But the fact is that his success has been orchestrated,
financed and promoted by Capital
Cities/ABC. He also seems extraordinarily well-connected to the Republican
leadership in Washington,
carrying out their campaign strategies so faithfully that it is difficult
to distinguish his promotions from
their campaign commercials. For example, when Rush's television show
debuted nationally two months
before the 92 election, his producer was Roger Ailes, who was Bush's
media advisor throughout the
campaign. Many of the themes that Ailes had inspired earlier in the
campaign showed up in identical
form on Rush's show, which resembled a program-length commercial for
the Bush campaign.
When asked to give equal time to his opponents, Rush responded "I am
equal time!"
In 1994, not only the Rush Limbaugh Show, but hundreds of other conservative
talk shows dutifully
raised the issues that Newt Gingrich's Contract Information Center
faxed to them each morning about
the Contract With America. Many went so far as to read them verbatim
over the air. And when the
Republicans captured Congress in 1994, they held a ceremony in honor
of Limbaugh, naming him
"an honorary member of Congress" and "the Majority Maker." That night,
the conservative
propaganda machine had reached its full potential.